With the end of the mission in the Coral Sea, Victorious’ time in the Pacific had come to an end. The new USN carriers of the Essex class were ready to head into the Pacific theatre and the presence of Victorious was no longer needed. On the 31 July the ship began her first leg of the long journey home. The battleship Indiana and three destroyers accompanied Victorious to Pearl Harbor. Victorious left behind eleven Avengers in Nouméa for replacements, leaving her with only six Avengers and thirty-six Martlets for the voyage home. The Avengers were needed to fly A/S patrols for the group while in transit. The Martlets helped with these patrols when the Avengers became over worked. The task force reached Pearl Harbor on 9 August with no incidents.[172]
There the ship joined the new USN carriers in harbour, three heavy carriers, three light and two escort carriers. Truly the services of Victorious were no longer needed in the Pacific, for these carriers had finished their work up periods and were ready to join the fight against the ever shrinking Japanese Navy.[173]
While at Pearl Harbor the ship was also readied once again for the transfer through Panama Canal. Once more the projections were removed. Ready to continue on to the next point in the journey home Victorious left Pearl Harbor on 11August. She received a great send off; three navy bands played as she steamed out. Victorious left behind the thirty-three USN officers and ratings who had served aboard the ship for the months she was on loan, but another eighty-five US officers had joined the ship to be transferred to California as well as two Japanese prisoners of war. Ironically this was the only contact with the enemy that Victorious had. In farewell and thanks Nimitz sent the ship a signal stating:
In saying farewell I regret that you did not have an opportunity to show your fighting efficiency in combat. On behalf of your Pacfleet shipmates I thank you for your efficient services and wish you and your ship the best of fortune.[174]
Victorious made San Diego on 18 August, after six days in transit. From there she carried on to Balboa escorted by two new destroyers. Victorious took the time to run many exercises for the benefit of the destroyers to prepare them to work in the Pacific. On the 26 August the group arrived at the Pacific end of the canal, and made a quick passage through. Once again there was a minimal amount of scraping damage suffered by the ship and the canal. This time the damage was caused by a strong wind. Norfolk was made on the 1 September.[175]
During this passage, as with all other periods at sea, the ship conducted exercises for the pilots and the crew. When planes could be provided by shore installations interception exercises were carried out. Upon entering or leaving a harbour a towed target was provided for AA practice, showing the USN dedication to providing training to their ships and crew for the war. The stay at Norfolk allowed for the projections to be replaced and damages repaired. A type SG radar system was installed. The planes used in the Pacific were all replaced with new planes.[176]
Victorious left Norfolk on 16 September1943 after fourteen days in dock. Her next destination was Argentia, Newfoundland, once more under the protection of three RN destroyers. The new SG radar proved itself on the final leg of the journey home. Heavy fog outside of Argentia, which usually made passage difficult and stressful to the bridge crew, was found less so with the new radar to aide them in the passage. The fog and later a heavy swell unfortunately curbed the A/S patrols carried out by the planes on the ship. On 24 September these conditions had to be overcome because the group were passing through the heavy U-boat concentrations of the mid-Atlantic. One of the Martlets crashed into the ocean when it went over the side upon landing. Fortunately the destroyer Opportune was able to rescue the rookie pilot. Victorious finally docked at Liverpool on 27 September, thus ending her adventure as the USS Robin and her first foray into the Pacific.[177]
From the beginning of the mission in December 1942, Victorious sailed 33,388 miles in the last four months, of these over 23,000 in the last two. The ship carried out a total of 2,101 deck landings in the American system. The ship had set a RN record of 28 continuous days at sea, had a run in with dehydrated potatoes, and played a lot of deck hockey, the most popular form of entertainment for the crew. The ship carried almost twice the number of planes that it was designed for due to the deck park and carried an extra 600 personnel on board making for very tight quarters. The AA armaments were almost tripled in some calibres. Captain Mackintosh had continually reported that the US civilians and military were very helpful and their hospitality was unparalleled. No enemy was sighted.
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[126]1435A (December) Admiralty to BAD, Hush Most Secret Files, Naval Historical Branch, London.
[127] 2227 (December) Admiralty to BAD and 21221Z(December) BAD to Admiralty, Hush Most Secret Files, Naval Historical Branch, London.
[128] Barker, 79.
[129] Barker, 79-78.
[130] Barker, 79-80.
[131] Barker, 80-81.
[132] The Avenger was renamed the Tarpon when it was adopted by the RN though the name was not popularly used in the RN. For the purpose of this thesis I will refer to them as Avengers.
[133] Barker, 81-82.
[134] ADM 199/534. This file contains the entire reports and proceedings for the months that Victorious was with the USN.
[135] Lt. Commander Michael Apps, Send Her Victorious, (London: William Kimber, 1971)116.
[136] ADM 199/534
[137] Apps 115-116.
[138] ADM 199/534.
[139] ADM 199/534.
[140] ADM 199/534.
[141] ADM 199/534.
[142] ADM 199/534.
[143] ADM 199/534.
[144] Barker, 89.
[145] Barker, 91.
[146] ADM 199/534.
[147] ADM 199/534.
[148] ADM 199/534.
[149] ADM 199/534.
[150] ADM 199/534.
[151] ADM 199/534.
[152] ADM 199/534.
[153] The addition of the extra wires allowed landing planes to catch wires sooner. The American system was calibrated to hold the weight of the Avenger and could bring them to a stop before the crash barrier. The British system as mentioned above could not handle the weight, and led to a complex system of dropping the first crash barrier and raising the second or third barrier as the plane caught the first wire. This system put considerable strain on the batsman and the crash barrier operators, for if a plane missed the first wire it could not be stopped before the first barrier.
[154] ADM 199/534.
[155] ADM 199/534.
[156] ADM 199/534.
[157] Barker, 91-95.
[158] ADM 199/534.
[159] ADM 199/534.
[160] ADM 199/234.
[161] ADM 199/534.
[162] Norman Friedman, British Carrier Aviation: The Evolution of the Ships and Their Aircraft, (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press 1988) n212.
[163] ADM 199/534.
[164] ADM 199/534.
[165] ADM 199/534.
[166] ADM 199/534.
[167] ADM 199/534.
[168] ADM 199/534.
[169] Barker 99.
[170] ADM 199/534.
[171] ADM 199/534.
[172] ADM 199/534.
[173] ADM 199/534.
[174] ADM 199/534.
[175] ADM 199/534.
[176] ADM 199/534. Chapter 5
Lessons learned and Conclusion
With an insider’s view of cutting edge of modern naval warfare, Captain Mackintosh was able to relate to the Admiralty how the USN operated, and what lessons if any the RN could learn and incorporate into the RN doctrine. The Victorious had used different techniques in deck landings, carried a deck park, used and observed the modern radar and gunnery of the USN, used a different screening method in repelling attackers from the air and a different refuelling system at sea. Curiously, few of these developments were adopted by the RN before the end of the war.[178]
The use of a deck park, a practice that both the USN and the Imperial Japanese Navy found extremely useful in providing for an expanded plane capacity, was not adopted by the RN until after the war and when newly designed ships allowed for expanded crew quarters. In the previous chapter it was noted that the crew capacity of Victorious was passed by almost 600 men during the Pacific excursion. Most of these were the pilots, deck party and maintenance ratings needed to care for and fly the
expanded allocation of planes. The Admiralty decided that the use of a deck park could only be carried out during special operations due to the stress the extra manpower put on the stores and space within existing British carriers. Further, none of the British carriers designed during the war made allowance for this extra capacity. It must be noted that the RN continued to design their ships to operate mainly in the Atlantic Ocean, where storms, as seen in previous chapters, could wreak havoc with any plane on the deck, and the loss of an entire deck park would be extremely costly. The adoption of the USN signal and landing system was also never seriously considered. According to ADM 199/534 USN observers of the RN system admitted to its superiority over the USN system. There was a move for the USN to adopt this system, but it would have to wait until after the war.[179]
The admitted American superiority in the use of radar and their more modern types was addressed in comments to Captain Mackintosh’s final report. The Australian Navy also was complaining about this superiority as well. The Admiralty felt that Britain was not behind in technology, but in getting it built and installed in the ships. The United States, with their vast pool of manpower and their relative new entry into the war, were able to install the most recent technology quickly into the frontline ships. The RN and Britain had been fighting a war for over two years by the time the US joined in. Britain’s manpower was stretched to its limits. Forced to resort to conscription in effort to fill any vacancy, the RN was using men that they would never have dreamed of using before the start of WW II. The problem of the RN inferiority of gunnery equipment was not addressed by the end of the war, as seen by the condition of the British Pacific Fleet (BPF).[180]
The BPF went to the Pacific as an independent force, but under the overall command of the USN. The administration and logistics of the fleet were supposed to rely solely on British resources, but unofficial USN support allowed the BPF to continue to operate in the area. The BPF followed the RN landing system, but adopted USN’s fleet system, though in weaker numbers of ships and planes. Also unlike the earlier mission of Victorious the BPF was outfitted with FAA planes made up of six different types. Each carrier carried a specific type of plane. This severely hampered repair and replacement efforts. The BPF was under-gunned for the Pacific Theatre; this was due to the reliance on the 20 mm AA weapons that proved ineffective against the determined efforts of the kamikaze pilots of Japan. AA gunnery accuracy had atrophied due to lack of practice and need in the European theatre due to Allied air superiority. Also mentioned above, the radar systems of the RN were outdated and all agreed that there were not enough in ships in the defensive screen. When the war had ended in 1945 the BPF helped to invade Okinawa as well as raid the Japanese main islands and was preparing for the final invasion of the Kyushu, to end the war. It had also provided a valuable boost to USN morale by proving that the RN was ready to fight alongside her allies.[181]
Many of the observations made by Captain Mackintosh were nonetheless acted upon when the war was over. Many of these dealt with the welfare of the crew. The use of ice cream, efficient mail service and other morale boosters such as movies, were instituted after 1945 by Admiral Sir Bruce Fraser, who had commanded of the British Pacific Fleet in 1944-1945. Like Mackintosh, he observed the marked difference between the morale of the USN and the RN. He realized, especially when the RN needed to attract and retain its sailors, that a change had to be made to make the Navy a more attractive career, and when he became First Sea Lord, he set out to change the RN to take more regard for the state and welfare of its men.[182]
On the flipside of the equation, what did the USN take away from this encounter? They saw the British carrier design as inferior. The armoured hangar for example, caused a reduction in carrying capacity and the enclosed sides prevented the warm-up of planes before takeoff, causing decreased efficiency and time between launching of successive waves of attack planes. Not until the British Pacific Fleet came under kamikaze attacks did the advantages of the armoured hangar prove itself. Damage that incapacitated USN carriers was shrugged off by RN carriers or quickly repaired, and operations were resumed. The main contribution made to the USN during Victorious’ mission was the sharing of their improved Fighter Direction Office.
The British Fighter Direction Office was the major RN innovation the USN was most interested in. The design and layout were later incorporated in the USN Command Information System (CIC). The Fighter Direction Office (FDO) was updated to handle the landings of Operation Torch. The design of the room was based on years of RN and Royal Air Force (RAF) co-operation in standardization of a fighter control room that would allow the ship to direct planes of both services. The history of the FDO in RN ships was ably addressed by an internal paper written by Commander D.L. Pollack. The layout of the room allowed for a Senior FDO officer to oversee the entire operation of the office. A main air display plot with an officer and ratings was engaged exclusively in plotting and filtering the course of any incoming enemy planes. The information was passed on to two intercept positions at which two officers assigned fighters to engage the incoming planes. This system was the basis of all later systems, though improvements
were made by both the USN and RN throughout the rest of the war. Examples of his were the installation of air conditioning for the office, the installation of a vertical plot board to allow easier access to the board as well as cutting down congestion within the room, and always the inclusion of better radar systems.
Ray Barker in the conclusion of his chapter on the mission to the Pacific stated that, “There was no doubt that not all of the US Navy senior officers wanted us or even judged us to be capable of fighting alongside them. All the crew, and our Captain in particular, demonstrated our efficiency and capability. Even the worst critics acknowledged we were as good as their best.”[183]
Though Victorious saw no combat she served a useful role in the Pacific. She helped to fill a large gap in the defensive and offensive power of the USN. The Japanese had an impressive carrier advantage over the USN, even with the aide of the British. The fact that the IJN chose not to attack any of the American positions in the Pacific showed that the IJN was unaware of its advantage. Another factorwas that the damage sustained in the carrier battles of the Pacific had taken their toll on the IJN as well. Without Victorious the invasion of New Georgia would not have been possible and the mission could have been under a serious threat if the IJN had chosen to interfere with only the Saratoga there to try and stop them. The lack of combat did not lessen the effect of the presence of the ship in the Pacific. The men and local commanders of South West Pacific greatly appreciated their efforts. In the end, the men had proven that they too were equal to anything that occurred in the Pacific. For action the ship would have to wait until her return to the Pacific in 1944 to prove her battle prowess. Upon her return Victorious finally engaged the enemy, launching raids against the oil fields of Sumatra, aiding in the invasion of Okinawa and providing a part of the plan for the invasion of the Japanese Islands.
This version of the story of Victorious picked up where Hone, Friedman, and Mandeles left off in their book American & British Aircraft Carrier Development 1919-1941. More than an observer, Victorious was a participant in the battles and this allowed Mackintosh to observe how a RN carrier and crew could adapt and use the USN methods. When all was said and done both the RN and the USN agreed that in time of war no radical changes to doctrine could be introduced when numerous engagements with the enemy prevented trials and training from being carried out; better to go with the system you know.
This thesis set out to examine the complete story behind the assignment of HMS Victorious to the USN and the efforts that the crew and pilots made to adapt to a new system of carrier doctrine in order to aide their ally in their time of need. It has also examined what lessons were learned from this exchange and asked as well were they implemented during the war. Though there are books dedicated to the history of Victorious, and the development and use of carriers during the war, this period when addressed in the literature was glossed over, or never mentioned. The account of what caused the ship to be sent to the Pacific and how the ship and crew were trained for this mission were never all included in a single account. In the end the some of the observations and recommendations that were made by both sides could not be implemented right away due to the war. Others had to be proven under battle conditions, something that Victorious never experienced during her first mission to the Pacific. Nevertheless, what happened when Victorious joined the fleet at Nouméa was a
seamless integration into the USN; Victorious and USS Saratoga were able to operate each other’s planes without mishap. Victorious had provided a valuable service to the USN at a time when they were out numbered four carriers to one.
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[178] For a report of Captain Mackintosh’s general impressions of the USN see Appendix 2.
[179] ADM 199/534.
[180] ADM 1/13385.
[181] H.P. Willmott, “Just Being There; An examination of the Record, Problems and Achievement of the British Pacific Fleet in the Course of its Operations in the Indian and Pacific Oceans Between November 1944 and September 1945” essay submitted for the Sir Julian Corbett Prize in Modern Naval History 1986, 44-46, personal copy.
[182]Willmott, 42-44.
[183]Ray Barker, Victorious the World Over, (Upton upon Severn: Square One Publications 1991) 106.
[177] ADM 199/534.
ADM 1/13385
Subject: GENERAL IMPRESSIONS OF THE UNITED STATES FLEET
From: THE COMMANDING OFFICER, H.M.S. “VICTORIOUS”
Date: 1ST. SEPTEMBER, 1943
To: THE SECRETARY OF THE ADMIRALTY
(Copy to: British Admiralty Maintenance Representative).
“Victorious served with the United States Fleet for eight months.
1. We arrived at NORFOLK, Va., on 1st. January, 1943, were there for five weeks, at Pearl Harbor for two months and operated from NOUMEA, New Caledonia for 2 ½, months, returning to NORFOLK, Va., on 1st. September, 1943 via Pearl Harbor and San Diego.
2. I have sent in reports on our experiences of American Carriers, Fighter Direction, Radar Organization of Naval Air Bases, Navy Yard amenities, Torpedoes, American system of deck landing, Notes on Operations by United States Naval Aircraft, Meteorology, and cruising Dispositions in use in the United States South West Pacific Fleet etc., but it was thought that my general views on the United States Fleet might be of interest to their Lordships.
Fleet Work
3. There is no doubt that the American Pacific Fleet is very efficient and there is a fine spirit among the officers and men. Earlier in the year we found that units did not have the same standard of common doctrine as ourselves, as each Task Force had its own orders which varied in a number of details. Units of a Task Force worked very well together but I felt that odd units joining up could not take their place so easily as in our fleet. However, this is well realized and standard cruising orders which included tactical instructions have recently come into force for the whole Pacific Fleet.
4. Aircraft carriers are the core of the Fleet and manoeuvring is done on the principle that “a carrier can do no wrong”. When flying is taking place, the screen manoeuvre without signal except for the display of shapes (corresponding to our Aeroplane Flag) by the duty officer.
5. In the event of an air attack, the carriers are screened by destroyers, AA Cruisers and Battleships, all on a 2000 yards circle, with the carrier in the centre. In fact, the Battleships become AA vessels and are unscreened. During AA attacks, with the Battleship steaming at high speed, the risk of a submarine attack is accepted. More and more short range weapons are being crammed into all types of ships. Battleships are surrendering their aircraft and catapults, and AA cruisers, two 5” turrets for 40 mm guns. Barrage from heavy guns would not be employed against aircraft as it would immobilize too many short range weapons.
6. There is not quite the same polish in Fleet Work as in our fleet: e.g. precision in taking station, etc., but this may be due to the fact that navigation is not such a specialty as with us.
7. The fleet is well equipped for long periods at sea. Oilers whose maximum speed is 20 knots can steam with the Fleet and are well armed with AA guns and radar, and carry out AA practices at sea with the other units. A cruiser oiled from Starboard Side of an oiler at sea, while Victorious was doing the same on the port side.
8. Destroyers are handled well and are frequently required to transfer personnel, mails and stores to heavy ships at sea. Incidentally, mails, which had only been posted in England 21 days previously, were transferred to Victorious in the Coral Sea via a destroyer, from an oiler, which speaks well for mail organization.
Fleet Training
9. The Americans are fully alive to the necessity for continual training and maximum opportunities are taken for carrying out practices. On leaving and entering harbour sleeve targets are invariably provided from shore. At Pearl Harbor, the target services were exceptional.
10. At sea, carrier, battleship, and even destroyer’s aircraft, tow sleeves, and all ships carry out close range firing. Aircraft drop smoke floats and ships carry out snap firing at them. Full scale torpedo and dive-bombing and strafing attacks by aircraft are carried out which enables fighter direction and, avoiding action by the fleet to be practiced.
Gunnery
11. What little I have seen of the Surface Gunnery, it appears to be very good. I have seen a great many AA practices and there is no doubt that their ships are equipped with very good AA material and their shooting is of a very high order. On one occasion I had to tell my destroyer screen to cease fire as they were consistently shooting down sleeves before I could get a run. The 2,100 ton destroyers of the Fletcher Class are fine AA ships armed with 5-5” (remote power controlled), 8-40 mm and 10-20 mm guns. Their blind firing is developed to a higher degree than ours. The large number of officers who are appointed solely for gunnery duties in ships, account to some extent for the high gunnery standard. Saratoga has no less than 19 such officers.
Naval Aviation
12. The American Navy has operated aircraft on a much larger scale than us and under better weather conditions. The operation of aircraft from carriers is much ahead of ours and their carriers are better suited for it. Their flying drill is excellent.
13. Their Torpedo Squadrons are not so highly trained as ours, nor is their torpedo so good. On the other hand, their dive-bombing is superb and they undoubtedly have a most potent weapon against enemy carriers. All pilots of Saratoga’s Fighter Squadrons operating from Victorious had a standard of flying ability as good as our best pilots.
14. Their Fighter Direction was definitely behind ours, but they are very quickly catching up.
15. Their standard of reconnaissance and reporting is not as high as ours as they do not have the highly trained observers that we do. However, with all the modern radio aids to navigation and fixing of aircraft from ships, combined with generally excellent visibility, the need of such training is not so great.
16. Their Air Groups are well trained and are formed 5 to 6 months before the carrier commissions. After a period of service (between 6 and 9 months) the whole air group is relieved by another which has been training ashore, so that it may be at rest. Their training bases are very numerous and not yet overcrowded. They have a good reserve of man power, so they are not faced with our difficulties. We have very much envied their Naval Air Stations at Pearl Harbor and San Diego, where you could step ashore from the carrier alongside, and walk a couple of hundred yards to your aircraft
in the hangar ashore; the aircraft being maintained by a service unit available for that purpose.
17. The United States Navy are anxious to keep the Naval Aviation very much part of the fleet. The Naval Aviators do their general service time as executive officers and navigators of carriers. This would seem a pity, as the senior officers are rather apt to become entirely counter-minded and do not have the knowledge of handling of cruisers and destroyer screens as our Flag Officers do. The promotion of aviators is now very rapid, and Captains get Flag Rank with two years in.
Officers
18. Owing to the great expansion taking place in the United States Navy, a very large number of Reserve Officers are being taken in. Their course amounts to cramming but they are keen and work hard and it is surprising how they attain efficiency quickly. In destroyers where there are about 19 officers, most of them are reserve, but it does not take them long to get good gunnery results. Several of our escorts on passage were newly commissioned, so I had a good opportunity of judging their progress. Their aviators are a little older than ours and seem more mature and on a whole, I would say their average physique is above ours.
19. As officers change from what we consider one specialist appointment to another they have wider experience. In order to be able to operate in this system they have to work hard and study, and on the whole I consider that the United States Navy Officer is more highly educated in the general naval subjects and technicalities than ours. For instance, I was surprised that the officer detailed as Secondary Gunnery Officer of “Saratoga” was able to comment very technically on our gunnery arrangements. Their sense of security is not at all well developed.
20. Ashore they have not got the same reserve and dignity that ours have and at a party will let themselves go, but I think that is common for the American people in general, that they are a little more free and easy than we are.
21. The Senior Officers are the first to admit that most of the traditions and general naval experience has been gained from us. I found them extremely easy to get on with. They were always most co-operative and I made many friends.
22. I was always given command according to my seniority. Twice I commanded a Task Group for passage with one of their latest Battleships. On completion of one trip my subordinate in “North Carolina” was promoted to Rear Admiral! In the Task Force in which we were operating I was given command of one Task Group in the event of air attack, consisting of “Victorious” and two Battleships and destroyers or A.A. cruisers.
Men
23. All ratings are volunteers, so they have maintained a high standard. The discipline, although not on quite the same lines as ours, is definitely good.
24. The men were very dependent on their movies. An excellent service exists and a new picture is shown every night in all ships, including destroyers. Incidentally their new facilities were much enjoyed by our men. Their feeding done on the cafeteria system is excellent, but mess life is non-existent. Ice cream is always available in large quantities and is much appreciated and is looked upon as essential.
25. Ships are equipped with laundries and a special staff to run it and this undoubtedly helps to maintain their clean appearance. Their liberty men in white looks very smart.
26. I was very pleasantly surprised how extremely well our men got on with the Americans. This was especially the case at Pearl Harbor and Noumea, where the American Sailors were most hospitable to ours, but perhaps a little less so at Norfolk where the greater number of Americans there had not seen active service. American civilians were also most hospitable to our men and on writing to thank them for their hospitality a large number wrote back to me telling me what a pleasure it was to entertain them.
State of Ships
27. Some of my officers and I went over 3 battleships, 4 carriers, 3 cruisers and 2 destroyers, and found that the ships were consistently clean and shipshape. This is due to the large number of men they carry, labour saving devices, and good organization.
Another noticeable feature was the very rust free appearance of ships after a long time at sea. On arrival at Pearl Harbor after a trip of 4,600 miles “Indiana” in company with us looked as if she had just painted ship. This may be due to their ships being built in better weather conditions than ours, perhaps having better pickled plates and more attention to initial undercoating when ships are built and use of spray painting which is so much quicker, that advantage can be taken of fine weather to paint ship.
Radar
28. The Americans set great store on their radar and are anxious to exploit their great advantages over the Japanese in this respect. All carriers have two aircraft warning sets and all ships down to and including destroyers have surface warning sets with several remote plan indicators. Their use of radar for blind firing against surface and air targets appears to be well ahead of what was fitted in our ship when we left the United Kingdom in December 1942.
Engine Room Department
29. The types of main machinery and boilers and their arrangement appears to have been largely standardised in the newer ships. Engine-rooms and boiler-rooms in cruisers and destroyers being miniatures of those in aircraft carriers. This must be an advantage from the point of view of training enormous numbers of new engineering personnel.
A difference was seen in the battleships, where, in order to reduce the length of machinery space, two boilers of each unit are placed alongside the engines of that unit in the same space.
The short lengths of main steam pipes, none of which pierced any, and the absence of inter-space telegraph or telephone communications were attractive.
Navy Yards
30. The Navy Yard officials are all naval officers. Their attitude was “What work I can we do” as opposed to “What work can we cut down”. All they asked was evidence of a approval from the Admiralty for any Alterations and Additions proposed. As one instance this enabled me to get equipped with 45 extra short range guns just for the asking, besides a great many other items, a large number of which were actually proposed by the United States Authorities.
Men and material seemed unlimited and, by ‘sheer force of numbers’, they can get ships repaired in a very short time, provided jobs are strait forward and need mainly semi or unskilled labour.
Owing to the enormous expansion of personnel however, there is a shortage of many types of skilled labour, resulting in many instances of inferior workmanship.
It was nothing to find that a Chinese Electric Welder in Pearl Harbor, had been a grocers assistant in Honolulu two months previously.
Their Navy Yards appeared to be extremely well organised. For instance, application was made to extend our Flight Deck at Norfolk: British Admiralty Maintenance Representative approved the next day and that evening a large amount of work was actually started on the job onboard, the planning work having already been done for the “Illustrious”.
The planning departments organised jobs beforehand in great detail and with great efficiency.
General
31. I cannot speak to highly on the friendliness and assistance that was shown to us. Everyone from the Commander-in-Chief, Pacific, downwards, was anxious to do all they could for us and I have never worked with any ship with such mutual cooperation as with Saratoga. For a 28 day sortie during the New Georgia operation, we were operating 24 of her fighters and she was operating all of our torpedo aircraft. There was never any difficulty at any time.
To sum up, I would say that the Americans are building up a very powerful and efficient fleet, and there are many features in their service, which, at times, give them an advantage over us.
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